The Irish republican army is a radical terrorist group formed in 1969 as a clandestine military wing of Sinn Fein the legal political movement dedicated to remove the British forces from North Ireland and unify Ireland. The Irish Republican Army has a history of violence including bombings, assassinations, kidnapping, extortion and robberies. Since breaking the cease fire agreement in 1996 the Irish Republican Army has been on a bombing Campaign against trains and subway stations , shopping areas in mainland Britain and military Targets in Northern Ireland and the European Continent . Between 1969 and 1999(Kristin Archick, 2014), almost 3,500 people died as a result of political violence in Northern Ireland, which is a part of the United Kingdom (UK). The conflict, which has its origins in the 1921 division of Ireland and is often referred to as ―the troubles,(Kristin Archick, 2014)‖ has reflected a struggle between different national, cultural, and religious identities. Protestants in Northern Ireland (48%) largely define themselves as British and support continued incorporation in the UK . Catholics in Northern Ireland (45%) consider themselves Irish, and many Catholics desire a united Ireland . More militant unionists are often termed loyalists, while more militant nationalists are referred to as republicans. In the past, loyalists and republicans have been willing to use force to achieve their goal.
In the islamic states of Syria and Iraq. It is a political and military organization that holds a radical interpretation of Islam as a political philosophy and seeks to impose that worldview by force on Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Expelled from al-Qaeda for being too extreme, the Islamic State claims to be the legitimate ruler of all Sunni Muslims worldwide. They have established what they regard as a state which includes large swaths of territory in Syria and Iraq, governed from Raqqa in Syria. Originally founded by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and known as Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI), what is now the Islamic State participated in the Iraq War fighting against American forces after the fall of Saddam Hussein. In 2013 they joined the Syrian Civil War, but rather than focus on defeating the regime of Bashar al- Assad, they focused on building their Islamic state. Throughout late 2013 and early 2014, ISIS built its power base in Syria, establishing its stronghold in Raqqa, which it was able to take total control over after ousting all other rebel groups. Despite a counterattack by other factions sparked by its brutal tactics, ISIS was able to hold its positions and consolidate its power base. They effectively imposed control over areas by empowering their allies and crushing their enemies. Policies of divide and rule in fractious tribal areas helped them to sustain their hold on territory. On June 29, 2014, the first day of Ramadan, ISIS declared itself a caliphate and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as Caliph Ibrahim, calling for the immediate loyalty of all Muslims throughout the world. (http://pietervanostaeyen.wordpress.com/2014/06/29/the-islamic-state-restores-the-caliphate)
The arrival of the Lord‘s Resistance Army (LRA) in Sudan in 1993–94 marked the beginning of more than a decade of fighting involving Ugandans on Sudanese soil. This development had an impact on both the Sudanese civil war and the war in Uganda, isolating large parts of Sudan‘s Eastern Equatoria state from outside help and causing thousands to flee. The LRA had ventured into Sudan in the early 1990s to seek refuge from the fighting in Uganda. By 1993, the Sudanese government of Omar al-Bashir had turned the LRA into a significant actor in Khartoum‘s efforts to crush the southern rebellion. Moving into the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in 2005, the LRA became a genuine threat to regional security. (Finnstrom,2003). The LRA is one of the most notorious rebel armies in the world. Under the command of Joseph Kony and his second-in-command Vincent Otti, the group has been an armed opponent of the Government of Uganda and President Yoweri Museveni since 1987. Breathtaking brutality, political maneuvering, and propaganda have marked the conflict on all sides. The LRA has fought this war with ruthless attacks and abductions, and the Government of Uganda has responded with structural violence on a grand scale against the people of northern Uganda. Northern and parts of eastern Uganda have been systematically marginalized. Warfare tactics on the government side consisted of forcing the entire population in these areas into so-called protected villages, which are in reality displacement camps with inhumane conditions. This move has destroyed traditional structures and interrupted development (Finnstrom, 2003). Furthermore, there are numerous reports of violence by the Ugandan army against civilians in the region (Otunnu, 2006).
In May 1999 Nigeria‘s return to civil rule was accompanied by fresh hopes and latent optimism.(C.jaja and jude odigbo , 2013) This optimism is predicated on the fact that democracy would guarantee freedom, liberty, equity and enhance security of lives and property, which would indeed reposition development trajectories to sustainability. Regrettably this optimism seems to be a mirage. Nigeria is presently rated as one of the poorest Nations in the world with debilitating youth unemployment.(Aganga 2009) Majority of the population seem to lack access to pipe borne water, health care facilities, electricity and affordable quality education. Amidst these development challenges, the security situation in the country deteriorated drastically. Nigeria‘s return to democratic rule is threatened by security disaster. Arguably, considerable progress has been made in the areas of freedom of speech and liberty, but series of resource based conflict (Niger Delta), ethno-religious crisis (Jos crisis), and communal conflicts persisted. The climax of these security threats is the insurgence of a group called Boko Haram in the Northern Nigeria. Thus, a considerable effort to end the violence and build peace to steer the economy to sustainability seems far from realization. The basic questions are: why development has continued to elude Nigeria in spite of numerous amounts of human and material resources? To what extent has security crisis impacted or contributed negatively to development in Nigeria? Is Boko Haram really a threat to development in Nigeria? These pertinent though complex questions need urgent attention especially now that Nigeria is struggling to be among twentieth one of the most developed countries in 2020. It is against this backdrop that this study tries to address the interface between security and development in Nigeria. Particularly, it seeks to establish that insecurity is a major impediment to development in Nigeria with a particular reference to Boko Haram‘s activities.
1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
. The increasing spread of non-moral activities of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria and the destruction of lives and property is a serious issue that could not be dismissed with a wave of hand. The group caught the attention of international community following series of violent attacks in Nigeria since July 2009 and specifically with the attack on the United Nations building at Abuja in 2011. The sect, having no clear structure or known chain of command was responsible conservatively for the death of over 1200 people (Jimmoh, 2011). A major function of a good government is to guarantee the security of lives and property. This explains why the early philosophers observe that people give up part of their rights to a sovereign leader who is charged with the responsibility of ensuring their security. The demonstrated inability of the Federal Government to curb the insurgence in spite of repeated assurance motivates this study.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The general objective of this project is to examine the challenges posed by Boko-Haram insurgency to national security . The specific objectives are:
I. To examine the factors that encouraged the growth and the spread of Boko-Haram sect.
II. To ascertain ideology and funding as the fundamental factor that propelled Boko haram activities in Nigeria.
III. To critically evaluate the government efforts in addressing the issues associated with the Boko haram insurgency. .
IV. To analyze the challenges of Boko Haram to national security and development
V. To make recommendations and implementation strategies checking Boko Haram insurgency and ensuring security.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The basic questions which this research work seeks to answer are:
i. To what extent has boko haram activities impacted on development in Northern Nigeria?
ii. what are the consequences of boko haram activities on national security?
iii. What strategies could be adopted to minimize or neutralize the impact of this instability on Nigeria‘s national security?
iv. What measures were taken by the government to combat the issues of Boko haram?